Wednesday 7 June 2017

The Importance of Not Voting

As the General Election approaches, I would like to present my thoughts on the subject in a quite specific way – not by endorsing either party or enthusiastically urging people (especially young people) to vote for whomever they want, but to consider whether one should or should not vote in elections.

First of all, one begins by asking the simple question: ‘How am I to make a difference?’ The simple answer is – take part in politics. The most general way in which citizens do this in a democracy, is by voting in general and local elections (and presidential elections elsewhere). Thus we – so we are told – decide what will become of our lives in the next 4-5 years. ‘Britain decides’ – we hear here and there as the vote looms. If we do, we decide for those who do not take part in elections too.

Suppose I vote. When I cast my ballot, I effectively endorse the system in toto. I endorse its very structure – I take part in the general will (Rousseau) and give in to it. When people say that only those who voted can criticise the ones elected, they are wrong: a vote for Labour is a vote for the Tories as well, since you agree your local Labour MP will take his or her seat in the House of Commons made up of representatives of all parties, the Tories included. This in itself is not yet enough to panic. After all, if we agree to take part in the democratic process, we must endorse it as a whole never mind the consequences that we ourselves might be opposed to profoundly. This is the basic rule of modern democracy.

But what if I see that my vote does not anyhow affect the system itself, since most questions – indeed, the most fundamental ones – are usually agreed upon by all parties taking part. Here we counter what theorists call the post-political condition. Simply put, it means politics lose their political essence. What is left is administration of citizens via techniques of governmentality (Michel Foucault’s term). So, we see decision-making turn from a political thing to simple calculation, best done by computers and not humans; ideas and metaphysical concepts give way to efficiency and pragmatism that leave no place for human action, that, according to Hannah Arendt, is essential to politics.
     
Here two strategies emerge. Firstly, if I refuse to vote, not wishing to endorse the system, it may be because I wish for certain reforms, even if limited – say, changes to the voting system. Or maybe I wish the actors in the political game would again get political. I might wait for a better day, when politicians would come up with new ideas and allow me to choose between qualitatively – not quantitatively – differing visions for our future. Rosa Luxemburg once said that back in the day clashes between different ideas and classes were honest. If it was about ‘Socialism vs. Capitalism’, she argued, it would be a clear choice. This is what I might want as well – a clear choice. However, I see this choice as anyway within the limits of the system.

Secondly, I might want to abolish of the system itself. That is, I can reject elections if I see voting is essentially flawed and the system makes no change possible at all. Thus, I reject the system altogether. Party politics are illusory and only hide the basic unity of the system. Guy Debord thought the voting system is conservative, whilst capitalism is constantly revolutionising itself. If I realise that proposed amendments that would supposedly improve the living conditions of the poor and vulnerable, are merely like rearranging the seats on the Titanic, my only answer is not voting.
So, the former reason for abstaining is based on a belief in the system but with a wish for certain changes, that would reinvigorate it (or a return to basics), while the latter means rejecting the system as the root of all problems which different parties promise to solve.

Refusing to take part in elections is not uncommon today and is proposed by well-known theorists like Slavoj Žižek or Alain Badiou and in the past has been advocated by a wide array of critics of representative democracy and government. They note the fact that elections do not actually change anything, and not simply because particular people are not suited to govern, but because of the very nature of the system. It cannot be changed piecemeal, only rejected as a whole, they argue.
  
The ones who argue against voting from the perspective of bettering the system without getting rid of it are often the ones endorsing ‘political’ movements, or so-called populists. They see such forces as marking a return to genuine politics after what Francis Fukuyama called ‘the end of History’. When a new movement/party emerges or people like Bernie Sanders or Jeremy Corbyn get into the spotlight, those wishing a return to politics feel like they are actually witnessing it. So, they go back to voting and support new populist mass movements. A Trump or a Marine Le Pen echoes their sentiment of rejecting the Establishment. Tired of patronizing administrators, people embrace a new kind of politics manifestly at odds with the status quo. As these supposed radicals constantly reminds us of this, even if they do not in principle oppose the system, the fact that they receive massive support, speaks volumes about how deeply people are fed up with post-politics.

So, if I decide not to vote, it’s perhaps because: 1) I feel it is meaningless, because things never change; 2) I reject all participants of the election and wish for better politicians. In the latter case, it is easy to see what I should do – engage with the party I most support and do my best that they change for the better, or start my own one. This requires patience and an ability to compromise, to talk to people, to engage in debate. However, it also means I can hope to see some change. In the former case, I am left unsure what to do – if I reject the system, I am side-lined and feel out of sync with the world (election coverage on TV, but I ‘don’t care’); I simply live my life with no hope for change or dreaming one day it will come, but perhaps not in my lifetime.

Before I move on to discussing the issues with not voting, maybe I ought to consider voting, after all.

The main reason for voting is usually a belief that at least this time we all have a duty to ensure someone with a horrendous agenda does not get elected. That is, I might decide to vote because I see a rise to power of some people, who threaten something much bigger than the status quo. After all, it is about avoiding the worst case scenario. Flawed Labour seems a more reasonable choice than five more years of Tory domination. And, you may ask, should not I help to stop a Trump or a Le Pen from government? I might detest Clinton, as did a significant part of her voters, but I might endorse her to save us all from supposed fascism. Here we see that if I am unsure about voting, what motivates me to go to the polling station is not a new-found love for Labour or for Clinton but fear of impeding terror and more suffering. To prevent the worst I choose the lesser evil.

There are obvious ways of criticising this benevolent wish. The system finds pleasure at portraying its enemies as a threat to its very essence and to the stability of our everyday life. If the Establishment is out of ideas, it can always employ fear. Coaxed out of my place on Election Day, I cast my ballot for people I utterly detest because I am horrified by a perspective of Trump or the Front National. The status quo makes me endorse it by making up spectacular encounters between supposed polar opposites.

So if this last try to prove I need to vote proved unconvincing at best, what now? It is clear that the choice between two evils is what is evil about elections. However, two counter-arguments can be presented against abstaining.

First, what kind of system does such a position entail? If we follow the unrepentant Maoist Badiou, it would be communism which is not only unlikely, but disturbingly vague – as if Marx’s formulation wasn’t! If we follow Debord, it would be council communism. If we follow anarchists, obviously we get various forms of self-governance. At best, these ideas are vague. At worst, a distorted ideology might lead to totalitarianism or a more low-key dictatorship. Again, we return to the concept of the lesser evil: the choice between the status quo and Stalin’s Russia or Pol Pot’s Cambodia is a no-brainer. Like those voting for the Establishment’s candidate, we could say that better we elect him or her and relentlessly fight them for the next four or five years than lapse into fascism.

Second, what effect does not voting actually have on our living conditions? That is, if I do not vote, what will change? While I may continue to occasionally entertain dreams about the coming victory of communism or anarchism, I will be forced to carry on with my life, to use social services kindly provided by the system and nothing will change for the better, since at best I could speak at meetings or write essays like the one you are currently reading. As Timothy B. Lee argues: “<…> “principled” non-voters have the luxury of not participating in the political process because millions of others are doing the hard work of making democracy work <…>.”

How to respond to such arguments? Well, obviously no one would like to choose outward dictatorship in the stead of democracy, however flawed, but if at the end of the day the two are less different than we think (as noted by Giorgio Agamben), this choice is obfuscating the innate unity of the Spectacle, to use Debord’s term. Then again, if the system can impose itself on us because it exists, this does not mean it is equal to life itself. As for the supposed laziness of the apathetic voter, who does not want to take part anymore, again, we fall prey to false choices because we still believe in capitalist virtues and we want to see anti-capitalism act in a capitalist way and we want to see some ‘action’ to entertain ourselves, but actions in the context of this system only help it thrive as we waste energy not when we think, but when we take up various spectacular forms of action, taking part in a political circus of colourful protests, contemporary art performances or being Social Justice Warriors – it all is less that futile – it is detrimental to the struggle against capitalism. Nevertheless, I admit it is worth questioning whether your not voting is helpful.
  
So, after all, should you vote on June 8th? I would say better do not to vote or at least do not to vote Tory, who would lead Britain to more poverty and suffering – stably and under strong leadership. By not voting, you refuse to engage with the system that is leading not only Britain, but the whole world to a catastrophe – ecological, demographical, economic… Vote, if you believe it will bring change. If you vote Labour, you might think you will get kinder capitalism, but the thing is that capitalism is essentially the opposite of kindness. I would be dishonest if I would not admit I enjoyed seeing Labour surge in the polls, but can they deliver? The inert mass of Labour MPs, who supported Blair and Brown, neoliberalism and the Iraq War, is here to stay. Corbyn needs them to win, but they hardly need him. Don’t vote but think, before acting.